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  • L’UE face à la Russie : combien de divisions ? - États membres
    institutions euro atlantiques vers l Est afin de contenir la puissance russe Les contentieux avec Moscou se sont multipliés en 2006 affaire Litvinenko du nom de l ancien agent du KGB empoisonné en Angleterre Mais Londres a aussi à cœur de préserver ses intérêts énergétiques en Russie à travers l entreprise BP et sait toujours faire preuve de responsabilité et de pragmatisme dans la politique internationale la Russie étant un acteur incontournable notamment au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies En outre la nouvelle politique plus coopérative d Obama avec la Russie concourt à renforcer le pragmatisme de la diplomatie britannique même si elle n en change pas les réflexes et les orientations qui disposent aujourd hui de puissants relais dans la machinerie diplomatique européenne cf par exemple le soutien au gazoduc Nabucco Le bloc continental pro russe Plusieurs grands pays de l Union européenne n affichent pas de contentieux de poids avec la Russie et entendent faire prévaloir une logique réaliste d interdépendance et de coopération avec elle C est le cas notamment du bloc franco allemand même si les intérêts et les approches sont différents L Allemagne est plus que la France dépendante du gaz russe un tiers de sa consommation et a lancé en 2005 un nouveau gazoduc Nordstream qui établit une liaison d approvisionnement directe sous la Baltique sans passer par des Etats de transit peu sûrs cette opération a d ailleurs été comparée par des responsables polonais à un nouveau pacte Ribbentrop Molotov D une façon générale l Allemagne considère traditionnellement l Est comme un champ d expansion économique et se place donc dans l optique d être un partenaire modernisateur de la Russie sans négliger les autres pays de l ex Union soviétique La France de son côté a traditionnellement une approche plus politique de sa relation de Moscou une alliance de revers contre l Allemagne jusqu en 1945 puis un élément de contrepoids à la puissance américaine C est ainsi que Paris Berlin et Moscou ont constitué en 2003 un axe pour s opposer à la guerre américaine en Irak Paris adoptant une position en pointe et faisant en premier les frais de la rancœur de Washington après la guerre Les quatre espaces de coopération entre l UE et la Russie économie sécurité intérieure sécurité extérieure éducation culture ont commencé par une proposition franco allemande en 2003 et se sont concrétisés par quatre feuilles de route adoptées en 2005 Nicolas Sarkozy et Angela Merkel n ont pas remis en cause cette orientation même s ils ne l ont plus affichée aussi ostensiblement que leurs prédécesseurs Gerhard Schröder et Jacques Chirac qui multipliaient les sommets à trois avec Vladimir Poutine Le Président Sarkozy notamment tout en revendiquant un attachement nouveau à la famille occidentale et aux Etats Unis cf la réintégration dans le commandement militaire de l OTAN a aussitôt veillé à établir une bonne relation avec la Russie où pèsent à la fois les intérêts économiques Total GDF Suez projet de vente de

    Original URL path: http://www.diploweb.com/L-UE-face-a-la-Russie-combien-de.html (2016-02-08)
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  • Direction des Affaires stratégiques de Sécurité et du Désarmement du Ministère des Affaires étrangères 1997 2001 Conseiller technique au Cabinet du Ministre des Affaires étrangères 2000 2002 Premier Secrétaire à l Ambassade de France à Berlin 2002 2004 Chargé des Affaires européennes à l Institut Français des Relations Internationales IFRI 2004 2009 Deuxième Conseiller à la Représentation permanente de la France auprès de l Union européenne 2009 2010 Chargé de Mission à la Direction de la Prospective du Ministère des Affaires étrangères 2010 2012 Directeur des relations internationales de l Ecole Nationale de l Administration 2012 2013 Direction adjoint de la Direction de la Prospective du Ministère des Affaires étrangères Avril Août 2013 Secrétaire Général pour la Conférence des Ambassadeurs Septembre 2013 Ambassadeur Représentant permanent de la France auprès de l OSCE Maxime Lefebvre a notamment publié La construction de l Europe et l avenir des nations A Colin 2013 Le jeu du droit et de la puissance Précis de relations internationales PUF Major 3e édition 2007 La politique étrangère américaine PUF Que sais je 2e éd 2008 La diplomatie Les dessous des relations entre les Etats en collaboration avec Yves Doutriaux éditions Autrement 2008 Il a également publié de nombreux articles sur les questions européennes et coordonné une étude Quel budget européen à l horizon 2013 Moyens et politiques d une Union élargie IFRI CEES 2004 Biographie mise à jour en 2013 Ses articles pour Diploweb com L OSCE et la crise ukrainienne Dans la crise ukrainienne quel est le rôle de l Organisation pour la sécurité et la coopération en Europe Le Représentant permanent de la France L UE face à la Russie combien de divisions Géopolitique de l Union européenne et de la Russie Les Etats membres de l Union européenne n ont pas tous la même

    Original URL path: http://www.diploweb.com/_Maxime-LEFEBVRE_.html (2016-02-08)
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  • Migration and Multiculturalism : Birth Pains of a New Civic (...) - États membres
    immigration In this the government was not helped by its own research forecasting an annual influx of 5 000 13 000 migrants from the A8 states that joined the EU in May 2004 While the UK labour market was good at absorbing many of these migrant workers into work it was an indigenous native British working class that felt threatened by these immigrants taking our jobs which has of course been the anti immigration refrain throughout history Echoes of the past Even the most casual observer of British politics would know that the 2010 general election was not the first time that immigration bubbled under as a salient concern Back in the 1960s the Labour government cabinet minister Richard Crossman referred to immigration s powerful political undertow An undertow is a current beneath the surface flowing in a different direction to the water on the surface The clear allusion is to a political élite out of touch with public opinion on immigration In 2005 the Conservatives asked are you thinking what we re thinking and noted in their manifesto that it s not racist to impose controls on immigration In 2010 immigration seemed once again to be exerting a powerful political undertow that actually did much to contribute to sweeping away Gordon Brown The background to much debate at the 2010 general election was of course the MPs expenses scandal that rocked British politics in 2009 Politicians could not be trusted to fill in an expenses claim honestly and accurately so how could they be expected to run an immigration system 6 Figure 1 shows the salience of immigration in IPSOS MORI polling between June 1997 and March 2010 The great surge in immigration salience coincided with large scale migration from central and eastern Europe after the May 2004 enlargement In March 2010 immigration was the second most salient issue after the economy UK Immigration s issue salience June 1997 March 2010 Figure 2 shows total migration flows with high net migration in the mid part of the decade falling back as economic turbulence was encountered and emigration rose Figure 2 shows how high issue salience has coincided with a fall in levels of net migration but with historically high levels in preceding years Net migration to the UK March 2000 March 2009 Figure 3 shows migration from the A8 accession states that peaked in 2006 7 and fell back in response to the economic downturn UK Net migration from A8 countries March 2004 March 2009 An important aspect of much of this contemporary migration is that it is focused beyond the traditional migration destinations of the major urban centers such as London or Birmingham Migration is now much more dispersed process with sizable migrant populations in small town and rural England This change in focus from urban to rural Britain also reminds us that we tend to see migration as a general process as migrants moving to a particular country In reality immigration is much more specific It is of course the case that migrants move into countries but migration is experienced in much more circumscribed ways as movement into particular places into communities into neighborhoods and into particular types of activity such as particular types of economic activity While we tend to see and understand international migration as a general process thus the reference to national models for immigration integration policies there is also a need to account for its specificity To provide a practical example while politicians and academic fellow travelers may agonise about British values in the abstract headteachers in towns and cities with relatively large migrant populations are more likely to be concerned about the costs of language support for pupils for whom English is a second language The stresses and strains of migration make themselves manifest at local level These local dynamics can also defy the narrow cost benefit analyses that have been key components of much debate about migration in the UK While it may be possible to show an overall net economic gain from migration it is also the case that migration has powerful distributive effects These can be felt at the lower end of the labour market as British workers are out competed by migrants seen by employers as brighter flexible industrious more hard working migrants There are also very specific interactions between the welfare state and labour market Many migrant workers have moved into sectors such as agriculture horticulture and food processing where there has been a traditional reliance on temporary labour provided by gangmasters temporary labour providers Much of this work is also seasonal which means mans that it can be hard for a British person living on welfare state benefits to de register a claim take on short term work and reregister 7 These interactions between work and welfare are specific in nature and type but strongly influence perceptions of migrant workers on the part of employers and on the part of those who may see themselves out competed in the labour market In a very clumsily phrased section of his speech to the 2007 Labour Party conference Brown called for British jobs for British workers This was then picked up by workers who protested about the use of workers from other EU member states at an oil refinery in East Lindsay in eastern England It is of course the case that many British citizens that live and work outside the UK 5 5 million according to the IPPR think tank but it is those that don t move that aren t mobile who seem to feel more threatened by this EU mobility 8 Then and now Britain began to see and reluctantly understand itself as a country of immigration in the late 1950s and early 1960s Comparisons between the 1960s and 2010 can be instructive and identify continuities and change in the contemporary British politics of migration and multiculturalism Then in the 1960s debate had a strong cultural and ideological focus Richard Crossman could report the egregious exploitation of race and immigration in the 1964 Smethwick by election in the West Midlands won by the Conservative Party after an overtly racist campaign In 1968 Enoch Powell could famously and provocatively prophesies rivers of blood Now the language has become more technocratic earned citizenship citizenship tests managed migration but concerns about migration and its effects lurk close to the surface of political debate and continue to often be framed in cultural and ideological terms Then the backdrop was large scale immigration but it was post colonial migration whereas now the UK has been reshaped by large scale migration much of which originates from the EU and is supported by an EU rights framework EU migrants move to the UK as EU citizens with their rights protected by a supranational legal and political order Save the UK exiting from the EU this movement from other EU states mobility is actually a better way to describe it cannot be controlled The same applies to the fairly extensive use by Brits of the free movement framework to live and work in other EU states of course The key point was that the UK was one of only three EU member states to permit full and immediate labour market access by nationals of the A8 states after May 2004 see Figure 3 Then the focus was on the integration of migrant newco mers implying a process of adaptation by the migrants but also by the host society itself Then the response was a form of multicultural race relations policy Now the assumptions of this race relations framework still linger but have been challenged by the diversity of new migration to the UK but also by the obvious fact that the UK is a very different place economically socially and politically to the UK of the mid 1960s We can only make sense of international migration if we explore the backdrop against which it is set Life in the UK It is clearly the case that British society has been transformed by immigration For some these changes have gone too far For others there is a tolerance of multicultural diversity For many however multicultural diversity arising from migration is a social fact It is part of everyday life as people in Britain celebrate their sporting heroes or cultural icons whose origins lie in immigration Some many bemoan the limitations of so called political correctness but on the streets or the terraces of football stadiums it has become unimaginable to hear the kinds of racist abuse that were depressingly common in the 1960s and 1970s The number of MPs from an ethnic minority background rose from 15 in the 2005 10 Parliament to 27 after the 2010 general election Change is slow and cause frustrations but is impossible to deny that things have changed and that many of these changes are for the better Attitudes have shifted often in significant and positive ways These achievements have been bolstered and reinforced by a distinctive legislative approach articulated between 1965 and 1976 that created the institutional architecture of race relations policy outlaws both direct and indirect discrimination created the Commission for Racial Equality now part of the Equality and Human Rights Commission to monitor its implementation and generate powerful pressure for public and private sector organizations to reflect the diversity of British society It also created the ethnic minority as the policy referent Britain counts monitors measure and observes it ethnic minority population The scope of race relations legislation was extended in 2001 to cover the police after the Macpherson inquiry into the racist murder of black teenager Stephen Lawrence Mention of migration integration and multiculturalism does seem almost guaranteed to induce a worried frown amongst academic commentators and a search for the newest or latest problem The orientation of migration research is towards the problems of migration Yet this perspective can neglect some rather important changes in British society Particularly if we think over the last 40 50 years and look back to the 1960s then it seems only fair to note the major changes that have occurred in British society as a result of immigration and that cannot be captured by a grim fixation on the latest problem to be worried about If the focus is to be on problems then pretty soon we run up against some new developments that have certainly elicited a collective frown from the academic community Not the least of these is the introduction in 2007 of citizenship tests for migrants aspiring to British citizenship This has been followed by the introduction planned for July 2011 of earned citizenship The Life in the UK citizenship test was set against the backdrop of a more general concern about the diminished resonance of Britishness and British values the citizenship test seeks to conduct a basic civics exam for migrant newcomers Apocryphal stories about its content such as the urban myth that one question asks for the appropriate response should an accidental collision lead to the spilling of another person s pint of beer buy him or her another or risk a beating is the powerfully embedded social norm turn out not to be present in the test Rather it amounts to a high school level exam about basic features of UK society and politics Knowledge of electoral systems rather than pub protocol is more valued in the test although probably not in everyday life The decisions of a small number of EU governments to introduce citizenship tests Germany UK and the Netherlands has been followed by an academic stampede of scholars eager to explore the content of these tests and pontificate about their significance for the contemporary condition of citizenship in these countries Yet these tests are the cherry on the cake The citizenship exam is the end of the journey and serves as a prelude to a town hall ceremony and a photo opportunity for the beaming new UK citizens and the local mayor It tells us very little about the processes that are absolutely central to the institution of modern citizenship as a social process as a set of negotiations and renegotiations as a fluid and flexible series of encounters between migrant newcomers and British society In fact it tells us more about the current fixations of politicians and the eagerness of academic researchers to follow the policy herd down this particular road or maybe cul de sac A similar fixation seems likely to occur on earned citizenship to be introduced in July 2011 with a three stage entry process to the hallowed state of British citizen The context here is important Much migration to the UK in the post war period was of course by subjects of the crown holding British passport and able to declare civis Brittanicus sum I am a British citizen 9 Britain has continued to operate a fairly open citizenship regime with around 1 million people accepted for British citizenship in the first decade of the 21st century Earned citizenship sets out staging posts on the road to citizenship acquisition The first step is temporary residence including an English language test This is followed by probationary citizenship during which time migrants will need to show that they have earned the right to stay in the UK with a swifter route to British citizenship for those who contribute to the community and thus demonstrate active citizenship British values Some of the most striking features of contemporary debates in the UK center on citizenship tests earned citizenship our values the de bate about Britishness and in contrast Muslim values and concern about radicalization and extremism Some aspects of this debate center on demographic change and the likely future size of the Muslin population given its younger age profile Kaufman makes a striking case for demography as destiny and ascribes to it the status of the social science with most predictive accuracy 10 Kaufman notes the younger age profile and higher birth rates of the British Muslim population In Britain 4 7 percent of those under the age of 16 are Muslims as opposed to just 0 6 percent of those aged over 65s The fertility rate of the average Muslim woman is two thirds higher than the median British woman Kaufman projects an increase in the British Muslim population from around 4 percent in 2009 to 7 percent in 2030 He also notes however that Muslim fertility is normalizing and that non Muslim immigrant groups are also increasing An underlying issue with the demography is destiny argument is that it holds political institutions static It was of course the case that earlier migrant groups such as Jews or Catholics were seen as difficult to assimilate and a potential threat The crux of the issue seems to be the content of social and institutional processes Here we have accounts that are full of foreboding Caldwell for example asks whether Europe can be the same with different people in it The obvious answer is no probably not But Caldwell s point is rather different His view is that Europeans are now too weak willed have lost a sense of themselves and their values with the risk that they fall prey to groups or cultures that are more confident or certain about their identities and values The key issue here for Caldwell is Europe s Muslin population 11 In a not dissimilar vein Joppke explores the limits of integration in the UK for group based claims as Muslims qua Muslims 12 His argument is that the pathologies of UK race relations stimulate the production of demands that cannot be accommodated Joppke draws from the Pew Muslim values survey to note that 81 percent of British Muslim respondents to the survey considered themselves Muslims first and only 7 percent considered themselves to be British citizens first This compared to 42 percent of French Muslims who saw themselves as French first and 46 percent who saw themselves as Muslims first Joppke looks admiringly at the capacity of the French state or the dreaded Jacobin state across the Channel as he puts it p 467 where Muslims and non Muslims according to Pew hold equally benign views of one another This can be seen as a failure of British multiculturalism and a success of French Republicanism p 467 Joppke argues that a pathology of the UK race relations model is that it leads people to expect the wrong things of the state respect and recognition when it is multiple adjustments in areas such as markets and culture that are the essence of integration What then are the demands of British Muslims Joppke has them barking up the wrong tree seeking respect and recognition rather than integration through welfare and work Drawing from social research other than the Pew survey helps exploration of the attitudes of British Muslims The UK government s own citizenship survey ana lyzed Muslim attitudes in 2008 13 More than 9 in ten Muslims agreed that they felt part of British society They expressed high levels of trust in institutions indeed they seemed to have far more trust in elec ted politicians than the general population There were widespread perceptions of discrimination targeted at Muslims and a sense that this was increasing What the survey found was a reflection of preci sely the point that Joppke makes i e that British Muslims do tend to see their place in British society in terms of these multiple adjus tments of every day life mediated by local communities by social and political institutions and by the labour market and welfare state The data may be ageing and awaiting the latest input from the 2011 census but research by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation also allows us to explore these multiple adjustments and assess work education and earnings The Rowntree research showed increased employment rates between 1991 and 2001 for Black African Paki stani and Bangladeshi men linked to improved educational attain ment In contrast Britain s Indian and Chinese origin population has

    Original URL path: http://www.diploweb.com/Migration-and-Multiculturalism.html (2016-02-08)
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  • Press 2008 and with C Boswell Migration and Mobility in the European Union London Palgrave 2011 Ses articles pour Diploweb com Migration and Multiculturalism Birth Pains of a New Civic Nation This article analyses the birth pains of a civic nation in the UK since 1997 The immediate backdrop is large scale migration but the deeper set Direction Directeur P Verluise Conseil scientifique Charte du site Faire un don Devenir

    Original URL path: http://www.diploweb.com/_Andrew-GEDDES_.html (2016-02-08)
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  • Die Korruption bleibt eine Herausforderung für die EU-27 - États membres
    EU 27 Mitgliedsstaaten Dies und jenseits des nach der Bevölkerung der einzelnen Länder gewichteten Durchschnitts der EU 27 6 4 von 10 kann man zwei Gruppen von Mitgliedsstaaten ausmachen Zunächst die 13 korruptesten EU Mitglieder Griechenland Bulgarien und Rumänien 3 8 von 10 Italien 4 3 Lettland und die Slowakei 4 5 Litauen und die Tschechische Republik 4 9 Polen 5 das entspricht dem weltweiten Durchschnitt Ungarn 5 1 Malta 5 2 Portugal 5 8 Spanien 6 1 Zu bemerken ist dass in dieser Gruppe der 13 mittelmäßig platzierten Länder neun neue Mitgliedsstaaten vertreten sind Anders ausgedrückt Die Ausgangslage in den Ländern vor ihrem EU Beitritt fällt nach wie vor recht stark ins Gewicht Zu beobachten ist aber ebenfalls dass Griechenland das der Europäischen Gemeinschaft am 1 Januar 1981 beigetreten ist also vor 29 Jahren und der Eurozone im Jahr 2001 also vor neun Jahren eine genau so hohe Korruption an den Tag legt wie die erst 2007 beigetretenen Länder Bulgarien und Rumänien Anschließend nun die 14 Mitgliedsländer der EU 27 mit der geringsten Korruption Estland Slowenien und Zypern 6 6 von 10 Frankreich 6 9 Belgien 7 1 Großbritannien 7 7 Österreich 7 9 Deutschland und Irland 8 Luxemburg 8 2 Finnland und die Niederlande 8 9 Schweden 9 2 Dänemark 9 3 Zu dieser Gruppe der am wenigsten korrupten EU Länder zählen drei der zwölf neuen Mitgliedsstaaten davon zwei ehemalige kommunistische Länder Estland und Slowenien sind der Beweis dass Postkommunismus nicht zwangsläufig ein Verhängnis darstellt Im Anschluss daran soll eine perspektivische Betrachtung der Entwicklungen folgen Entwicklungen Wie hat sich die Korruption während der fünf Jahre der ersten Barroso Kommission bei den Beitrittskandidaten Rumänien und Bulgarien zwischen 2004 und 2007 und in den Mitgliedsstaaten der am Ende 27 Staaten umfassenden EU entwickelt Der Korruptionswahrnehmungsindex von Schweden 9 2 von 10 ist der einzige der sich zwischen 2004 und 2009 nicht verändert hat Alle anderen 26 Staaten der EU 27 haben bisweilen sehr beachtliche Variationen ihres CPI zu verzeichnen Es lassen sich zwei Gruppen unterscheiden die Länder mit zunehmender und die Länder mit abnehmender Korruption Die 14 Länder der EU 27 deren Korruptionswahrnehmungsindex sich zwischen 2004 und 2009 verschlechtert hat sind aufgelistet von der größten hin zur geringsten Verschlechterung Malta 1 6 von 10 Spanien 1 Großbritannien 0 9 Finnland 0 8 Österreich Portugal Italien und Griechenland 0 5 Belgien 0 4 Bulgarien 0 3 Luxemburg Dänemark Deutschland und Frankreich 0 2 Zu bemerken ist dass diese absteigende Gruppe nur zwei neue EU Mitgliedsstaaten enthält das 2004 beigetretene Malta und das 2007 beigetretene Bulgarien Die zwölf Länder der EU 27 deren Korruptionswahrnehmungsindex sich zwischen 2004 und 2009 verbessert hat sind aufgelistet von der größten hin zur geringsten Verbesserung Polen 1 5 von 10 Zypern 1 2 Rumänien 0 9 Tschechische Republik 0 7 Slowenien und Estland 0 6 Slowakei Lettland und Irland 0 5 Litauen und Ungarn 0 3 Niederlande 0 2 Zu unterstreichen ist hier dass diese Gruppe der zwölf aufsteigenden Länder zehn neue EU Mitglieder vereint Gewiss sie

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  • La France, l'Europe, le monde: quelles relations ? - États membres
    les capacités techniques et la puissance d entraînement politique pour faire bouger ce gigantesque ensemble Il faut en premier lieu que les circonstances s y prêtent ce que la crise actuelle dont la fin ne sera pas proche tant que ses causes réelles non pas l essence mais l organisation même du capitalisme n auront pas été analysées et corrigées devrait logiquement favoriser Si les circonstances critiques actuelles apparaissent aussi comme une opportunité encore faudrait il que l Europe se manifeste fortement sur deux plans essentiels celui de la volonté et celui des idées Or le déroulement de la crise depuis 2008 l a démontré l UE à travers ses représentants et ses instances la Commission pour être clair est restée étrangement inerte Les seules initiatives ont émané du couple franco allemand et pour dire la vérité du chef d Etat français Ce manque de volonté collective est encore plus flagrant lorsqu il est aggravé par l absence d idées Que la Commission ne dispose pas puisqu elle est exécutive est acceptable mais qu elle ne soit pas en mesure de proposer est proprement inacceptable Et la désignation fin 2009 de figures emblématiques un président et une ministre des Affaires étrangères de l UE aussi peu charismatiques n augure pas d une représentation beaucoup plus visible de l Europe sur la scène internationale Double déficit d idées et d autorité qui tend plutôt à renforcer l euro scepticisme que la foi dans l aboutissement d une Europe véritablement unitaire Si l on veut croire encore à l avenir de l UE en tant qu entité politique alors il faut s en remettre au couple franco allemand et lui rendre sa vigueur d antan par une intelligente répartition des rôles entre les deux pays à l un la France la machine à idées à l autre l Allemagne leur mise en œuvre Aucun ensemble politique ne peut exister dans le monde contemporain complexe opaque dangereux sans un fort leadership et c est celui ci que le couple franco allemand devrait à nouveau assurer comme il le fit du temps du Général de Gaulle et du Chancelier Adenauer Car l Europe molle actuelle est devenue insignifiante contre toutes les lois physiques elle pèse infiniment moins que la somme des pays qui la composent comme l a démontré une fois encore le récent Sommet de Copenhague Il faut donc sans aucun doute jouer à fond la carte des institutions et redonner des couleurs à Bruxelles mais il faut dans le même temps stimuler l UE et l alimenter en idées novatrices Marcher sur ces deux jambes pourrait permettre de reprendre le cours interrompu d une véritable construction européenne Tout cela est possible en tout cas imaginable et pas hors de portée des acteurs actuels à Bruxelles comme à Berlin ou à Paris mais paraît toutefois peu probable pour au moins trois raisons primo les nouveaux représentants européens risquent plus d ajouter à la cacophonie ambiante que de figurer un leadership européen secundo les relations franco allemandes sont plus détériorées qu on veut bien le dire et les apparences risquent de devoir céder à moyen terme devant la réalité financière et économique d après crise tertio le changement du monde consécutif au choc de la crise va rebattre toutes les cartes dont la carte européenne et il faudra alors en tirer les conséquences Pour des cercles périphériques Cette transformation en cours du monde devrait normalement entraîner l échec et la fin de la mondialisation du moins sous sa forme occidentale Avec deux conséquences majeures la montée en influence d une puissance asiatique chinoise pour l essentiel mais pas seulement le Japon la Corée du sud et quelques autres se créant de forts intérêts communs d une nature autre l affirmation de régionalismes multipolaires dont la tendance est clairement à une fragmentation du monde plus qu à son unité L émergence effective de la Chine comme acteur majeur du XXI siècle devrait inciter les Européens à s efforcer de constituer un tiers ensemble qui équilibre le jeu des puissances et ne laisse pas les deux grands Chine et Etats Unis face à face Elle militerait donc pour la première solution de relance d une Europe puissance drivée par le couple Françallemagne C est compter sans la stratégie américaine qui ne souhaite nullement voir son duopole avec la Chine perturbé par un tiers non maîtrisable et pollué par son voisinage avec la Russie Les Européens eux mêmes ne semblent pas tentés par ce rôle de médiateur entre deux acteurs dont l un leur est proche et familier et l autre leur paraît lointain et étranger La suspicion envers une Chine totalitaire ultra nationaliste et peu prévisible selon les critères occidentaux n est pas morte tant s en faut en grande partie de la responsabilité d une diplomatie chinoise maladroite et d arrière pensées prêtées probablement de façon outrancière au gouvernement de l Empire du Milieu Ce tropisme américanophile comme la défiance accentuée envers les visées chinoises justifient par exemple le fort penchant pour une OTAN pourtant en décalage avec les réalités géopolitiques et affaiblie par ses échecs stratégiques prélude à la reconstitution d un camp occidental que la fin de la guerre froide avait laissé se défaire Pourtant l affaiblissement américain consécutif à l affaire irakienne et à la crise financière offre une opportunité pour rebattre les cartes mondiales que renforce encore un Président américain apparemment moins impérialiste que son prédécesseur Si la fin de la guerre froide a entraîné une nette décongélation du monde la poursuite de ce réchauffement des relations internationales libère de nouveaux espaces de manœuvre l Europe comme d autres régions du monde peut y trouver matière à évolutions Sans que la théorie du choc des civilisations de Samuel Huntington en soit pour autant validée la crise mondiale favorise la cristallisation d ensembles régionaux ou de grands pays qui se définissent par quelques caractères homogènes langue religion population mode de vie mais aussi tendances politiques ressources énergétiques ou capacités économiques C est

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  • Légion étrangère et de l Arme blindée en Algérie puis en France Commandement de l Ecole des troupes blindées au Zaîre 1981 1983 du 6ème Régiment de Cuirassiers 1984 86 Chef d état major de la 10ème division blindée 1986 89 En poste au Service d information et de relations publiques 1972 1975 à l Etat Major des Armées cabinet professeur à l Ecole Supérieure de Guerre 1983 84 cadre à l IHEDN 1989 90 Conseiller au Secrétariat Général de la Défense Nationale chargé du secrétariat des Conseils de Défense 1990 94 Directeur de la Fondation pour les Etudes de défense FED 1994 96 Chargé de mission au cabinet du ministre puis auprès du chef d état major de l armée de Terre 1997 98 2010 Fondateur et Président de la Société de Stratégie association de recherche et de réflexion stratégique Créateur 1999 et Directeur de la revue AGIR revue générale de stratégie Consultant en stratégie Enseignement Séminaire de stratégie à la Faculté Jean Monnet Paris XI Mastère de Diplomatie et Négociations stratégiques depuis 1996 aux Universités de Buenos Aires d Abidjan La Sagesse à Beyrouth à l Institut de Diplomatie de Pékin Chargé de cours au CNAM à l EISTI à l Ecole centrale Contact Société de Stratégie 21 rue Henri Barbusse 75005 Paris France Tél 06 60 83 46 39 E mail eric delamaisonneuve wanadoo fr Ses articles pour Diploweb com Recentrer la France en Europe et dans le monde Géopolitique de la France La situation de la France est emblématique des problèmes européens Malgré des atouts encore considérables peut être Recomposer l Europe Présentation du n 41 de la revue Agir Recomposer l Europe Paris Société de Stratégie mars 2010 132 p Préface sommaire et Direction Directeur P Verluise Conseil scientifique Charte du site Faire un don

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  • France and disarmament from one century to another - États membres
    the recent evolution of French disarmament diplomacy one factor is sometimes overlooked that of the development of the European Union s Common Foreign and Security Policy which has made disarmament and non proliferation a major axis over the last ten years It has led to a reconciliation of the policies of member states who tackle the great majority of negotiations with a common approach formalised in common positions or in EU declarations If the texts are sometimes the product of laborious compromises and painful negotiation they have nonetheless become the expression of a genuine European policy 5 If important differences still remain between member states essentially on nuclear questions it should be recognised that the Europeans have converging views on 90 per cent of the disarmament agenda and ever more frequently act in concert in order to give substance to this effective multilateralism that is put forward as the trademark of the EU If the European diplomats engaged in the preparation of these texts underline the recurrent difficulties in negotiations and the real differences that remain between member states the fact is that a large part of the positions of the 27 nations on disarmament matters is now formulated within this framework and the rest of the world recognises the EU as a player For France this is a real constraint but also a genuine lever as when the French Presidency of the EU in 2008 got the 27 to adopt an action plan submitted to the United Nations including the following elements universal ratification of the CTBT and the completion of its verification regime as well as the earliest possible dismantling of all nuclear testing installations transparently and open to the international community the opening without delays or preconditions of negotiations for a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons and the establishment of an immediate moratorium on the production of those materials finalising of transparency and confidence building measures by the nuclear powers further progress in the undergoing discussions between the United States and Russia on the development of a legally constraining post START arrangement and an overall reduction of nuclear weapon stockpiles worldwide in conformity with Article VI of the NPT particularly for those states possessing the largest arsenals the inclusion of tactical nuclear weapons by those states that possess them in the overall arms control and disarmament process with a view to their reduction and elimination the opening of discussions on a treaty banning short and intermediate range surface to surface missiles adherence and implementation of all states to the Hague Code of Conduct and in addition greater activism in all areas of disarmament 6 This plan largely takes up the proposals contained in the Cherbourg speech of February 2008 This Europeanisation of disarmament diplomacy is however now a fundamental factor for all the Europeans including the French who should transform this constraint into a trump card Encourage non proliferation of weapons of mass destruction Announcing its intention to join the NPT in 1991 France embraced non proliferation with the enthusiasm of a new convert Breaking with 30 years of political and theoretical criticism this choice has led France to become progressively one of the countries most committed to the battle against the proliferation of WMD In the forefront of negotiations on the Chemical Weapons Convention from 1989 to 1993 France worked for extension of the NPT in 1995 sought unsuccessfully from 1996 to 2001 to give the Biological Convention a verification protocol encouraged the adoption of new verification tools additional protocols for the International Atomic Energy Agency IAEA and launched the Hague Code of Conduct on ballistic proliferation in 2003 These diplomatic choices illustrate French political priorities in non proliferation matters the promotion of multilateral regimes the defence of export control regimes and support for robust verification instruments Since 2003 developments in the Iranian nuclear crisis have gradually placed it at the heart of French non proliferation diplomacy Even if it was initially a matter of favouring a diplomatic approach to the Iranian affair in contrast to the United States s military treatment of the Iraq crisis this commitment alongside the United Kingdom and Germany in managing the Iran dossier marks a new turning point Progressively and whilst still remaining within the United Nations framework developments in the Iranian crisis have led France to find itself in the front rank of defenders of the non proliferation regime in the face of violations and the risk of seeing Iran creating a precedent capable of bringing this regime down This concern with the limits of non proliferation regimes has led France to support new initiatives like the Proliferation Security Initiative PSI or the adoption of Resolutions 1540 and 1887 which go beyond an approach based on simple multilateral treaties Fighting proliferation has thus become the essential element of French disarmament diplomacy This position renews the terms of a classic French paradigm the link between disarmament and security Prevention of proliferation is an element of our security New arenas and new practices in disarmament constraints and opportunities for France In parallel with these non proliferation developments developments in the international disarmament debate should be noted The dissolution of the bloc system has liberated national diplomacies making discussions more difficult particularly on nuclear matters even and above all amongst Western nations Non Governmental Organisations NGOs have made themselves major players to the point of provoking the launch of negotiation processes outside the traditional Geneva boundaries Dysfunction of the Geneva Disarmament Conference which has not produced a treaty since 1996 and regular blockages within the framework of negotiations subject to the rule of consensus explain these developments and create novel diplomatic situations which are for a country like France well positioned in the multilateral UN system so many new constraints In the face of these new practices associating media campaigns and which call for effective rhetoric France sometimes finds itself wrong footed or otherwise in difficulty While other powers ignore these movements and when its Western partners

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