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  • What is the Eastern Partnership ? F. PARMENTIER - P. (...) - Institutions
    fall 2012 legislative elections in Georgia Moldavia appears to be a country with a relatively free press ranking higher than Italy 61st Kiev has also been on the radar of the EU and the USA since the Orange Revolution though the mood has become more blasé since 2008 2009 a tendency accentuated since the victory of Viktor Yanukovich in January 2010 Rankings aside trends in terms of democratization do not look positive as only Moldavia stands out as a State that has been moving towards a pluralist democracy in recent years while the other countries are ultimately at best standing still P V How do you assess the achievements of the Eastern Partnership after these first few years Does it have the means notably the budget to fulfill its ambitions and address expectancies F P The Eastern Partnership is still a fledgling policy as it has only been operational for three years it is still largely a work in progress There is not much to celebrate and we cannot single out any great achievements However its potential remains intact The Partnership has several aims the conclusion of agreements with each country the preparation of a complete in depth free trade agreement visa free travel and energy or sectoral cooperation 4 The program also aims to consolidate the rule of law democratic institutions and civil society However most of its assigned missions will only be effective in the long term Moldavia and Ukraine s accession to the European energy Community will not have a rapid impact on the energy mix of the countries concerned nor will it diminish the opposition forces or local resistance to change Integrating the EU heritage is a long and complex process insofar as it does not always sit comfortably with the interests and perceptions of local stakeholders While the EU did not initially intend to cut back its contribution to neighborhood policy budgetary negotiation is of particular importance 5 The European Commission has put forward a number of key initiatives to showcase the results of this policy integrated management of external borders 44 5 million facilities for SME 57 million regional electricity markets renewable energy sources and energy efficiency 41 million environmental governance 12 million and natural disaster prevention and preparedness 12 million None of these endowments should be significantly reduced despite the euro zone crisis that cools the ambitions entertained by European countries beyond their borders Debate as to whether accession is a prerequisite to transformation is ultimately less essential than may appear The Eastern Partnership potentially provides for attachment to the EU economy via comprehensive in depth agreements ALEAC access to European energy via the European Energy Community and visa free European travel The ALEAC implementation assumes that the beneficiary countries broadly take on board the community legacy because the EU requirements in terms of standards and technology for example in the phytosanitary and sanitary fields are those of developed economies The expected benefits of enlargement are already on the table Also the political stagnation of the South East European countries in spite of the promise of accession shows that reform does not follow on automatically from accession Though Armenia has received no promises of accession it has made great progress in cooperation with the EU since 2008 2009 P V Should the European stakeholders maintain a common approach to neighborhood as a whole by prioritizing European neighborhood policy or pursue a regionalized policy like the Eastern Partnership Europe is indeed on the horns of a dilemma F P Europe is indeed on the horns of a dilemma if it wishes to maintain a single all encompassing framework for both Eastern and Southern neighbors it takes the risk of leading a policy that will be too general to be truly efficient if it opts for a specific policy the Member States are likely to find themselves head to head on priorities that ought to be those of the EU This tension has been present since the 1990s a decade during which French diplomacy feared that enlargement would jeopardize preferential relations with the Southern Mediterranean The 1995 Barcelona process was thus the direct result of the formation of enlargement policies that were at the time relatively recent The same phenomenon occurred at the inception of the European neighborhood policy the initial approach targeted the geographically intermediary states Belarus Moldavia Ukraine and Russia but French and Italian diplomats pushed for inclusion of their Southern neighbors in the policy an initiative that was welcomed by the Commission However attempts at regionalization were soon to appear in 2007 with the launch of the Black Sea Synergy in 2008 with the Union for the Mediterranean and in 2009 with the Eastern Partnership The Union for the Mediterranean UfM has grown significantly from the idea of a Mediterranean Union that was only to involve the States of the Mediterranean rim but Germany was stoutly opposed and the Commission scarcely appreciated being sidelined in the process The Eastern Partnership intent on differentiating between the treatment of European neighbors and that of Europe s neighbors has been presented more pragmatically with regard to the institutions and has secured a manner of concession enabling Poland to join the UfM Faced with a risk of dispersal the Commission remains watchful and is working to produce a consistent framework for the neighborhood as a whole with scope to keep as many options as possible open After all Germany is one of the big investors in the Mediterranean countries with a special interest in all things economic More surprisingly countries like Italy Spain and Portugal have seen a growing influx of nationals from the former Soviet countries notably Moldavians and Ukrainians These developments do not affect the specific characteristics of the different countries but do tend to eliminate the option of considering them as natural monopolies P V Is the competition between South and East for accessing and using European resources the only key to understanding the confrontations within the EU F P In the wake

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  • Livre de référence : L'Europe et l'avenir du monde, M. (...) - Institutions
    se la représentent une communauté de valeur dans un marché libre ou bien un ensemble fondamentalement politique Loin de donner une réponse tranchée l auteur projette ces interrogations sur deux grands voisins de l UE la Russie et la Turquie avant d en livrer son analyse En ce qui concerne la Turquie plusieurs forces politiques européennes sont à l œuvre Les démocrates chrétiens s opposent à son intégration sur la base de valeurs culturelles les sociaux démocrates veulent récompenser la laïcité et encourager le modèle turc dans le monde musulman Cette dernière approche rend Michel Foucher circonspect considérant que les pays arabes ne voient en la Turquie qu un héritier de l Empire Ottoman et non pas une référence De plus intégrer la Turquie réglerait définitivement la question de l Europe fédérale avec une population estimée à 87 millions en 2025 la Turquie serait difficilement absorbable par des institutions qui possèdent un fonctionnement loin d être optimal Si l argument juridique trop grande différence des systèmes légaux de l Union et de la Turquie ainsi que culturel ne semble pas convaincre Michel Foucher il en arrive très vite à l établissement d un ensemble d obstacles empêchant la Turquie d intégrer à court terme l Union parmi lesquels le manque de transparence du pouvoir politique turc ainsi que des activités économiques Pour autant rappelant sa distinction entre limite et borne Michel Foucher évoque sa préférence pour la première Même située en dehors du plan institutionnel formel la Turquie sera toujours là dans le voisinage et comme acteur dans les régions importantes pour elle Raisonner en termes de bornage est tout simplement irréaliste et contraire à l intérêt européen Nul besoin donc de tenir des propos humiliants à son encontre 8 Quant à la Russie admise au Conseil de l Europe en 1996 dans l espoir d encourager les progrès démocratiques engrangés par Boris Eltsine 9 dans la lignée de Gorbatchev et de sa maison commune européenne 10 Pour autant la Fédération de Russie ne revendique pas sa candidature à la fois du fait des critères d adhésion du partage des compétences mais également de son immense taille Une fois cette question traitée reste à savoir quel genre de partenariat est à établir avec la Russie Or sur ce point la position des Etats membres de l Union européenne diverge complètement Pour les Etats Baltes ainsi que la Pologne et la République Tchèque la Russie est une menace que seule l OTAN peut véritablement tenir à l écart D un autre côté l Italie la Grèce l Autriche et la Bulgarie ont des rapports plus courtois car plus intéressés notamment en matière énergétique et financière Enfin de nombreux Etats fondateurs entretiennent une collaboration économique technologique et stratégique poussée avec la Fédération de Russie L UE a néanmoins prouvé qu elle pouvait assurer une solidarité énergétique et ainsi faire bloc lors de la seconde guerre d Ossétie du sud en 2008 ce qui fait espérer à Michel Foucher un rapprochement de position

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  • L'UE en question. Entretien Ph. Delivet - P. Verluise - Institutions
    novembre 2011 un paquet de six textes Six Pack a réformé le Pacte de stabilité et de croissance tant dans son volet préventif que correctif Il permet d encadrer plus strictement les budgets nationaux de coordonner plus étroitement les politiques économiques et de surveiller de façon plus crédible les déséquilibres budgétaires mais aussi macroéconomiques La procédure du semestre européen appliquée pour la première fois en 2011 a pour objet d évaluer le budget national annuel pour assurer une coordination des politiques économiques des Etats membres et une convergence des performances économiques Deux règlements Two Pack entrés en vigueur en mai 2013 ont établi une surveillance renforcée de la zone euro En outre le traité intergouvernemental sur la stabilité budgétaire la coordination et la gouvernance signé en mars 2012 a répondu à la volonté des Chefs d Etat ou de gouvernement hormis le Royaume Uni de compléter l architecture de l UEM par un pacte budgétaire Il fixe en particulier la règle dite règle d or selon laquelle la position budgétaire des administrations publiques doit être équilibrée ou excédentaire Il formalise par ailleurs davantage la gouvernance de la zone euro Tout cela prouve que la crise a comme souvent dans l histoire de la construction européenne encouragé l adoption de réformes profondes Comme il était indispensable le fédéralisme monétaire a été complété par des mécanismes crédibles d encadrement des budgets nationaux et de coordination des politiques économiques C est néanmoins à l épreuve des faits que leur efficacité devra être évaluée plus précisément En outre l union bancaire devra être parachevée ce qui passe par la mise en place d un mécanisme de résolution des crises bancaires Le renforcement de la convergence devrait par ailleurs conduire à terme à la mise en place d une capacité budgétaire de la zone euro destinée à faciliter l ajustement aux chocs économiques mécanisme de type assurance entre pays de la zone euro L UE met en oeuvre une politique commerciale mais sa balance commerciale extra régionale est systématiquement déficitaire Pourquoi L Union européenne est la première puissance commerciale mondiale Sous l effet du ralentissement économique et de la faiblesse de la demande intérieure le déficit commercial de l Union s est réduit L Union résiste bien dans des secteurs comme la chimie ou les machines Elle est le leader mondial pour l échange de services Mais l Union demeure très dépendante pour les matières premières et les combustibles Elle doit par ailleurs affronter le nouveau contexte du commerce international né de la mondialisation Elle enregistre des résultats très bons surtout dans les segments haut de gamme du marché Ses exportations sont solides dans les pays industrialisés mais moins efficaces sur les marchés à croissance rapide comme l Asie Le défi de la compétitivité est donc majeur Il implique en particulier un effort soutenu dans la recherche et l innovation A travers sa politique commerciale l Union européenne s est clairement positionnée en faveur d un développement du commerce international Elle a longtemps privilégié l approche multilatérale notamment en appuyant la création de l OMC en 1995 Face au risque d enlisement du cycle de négociations de Doha ouvert en 2001 et suspendu en 2006 elle a décidé de donner une place plus importante à la négociation bilatérale Dans ce contexte l Union a très largement ouvert ses marchés aux produits venus de pays tiers Sous l effet des négociations commerciales la préférence communautaire qui s exprimait à travers le tarif extérieur commun s est progressivement affaiblie Mais inversement les entreprises européennes exportatrices ont bénéficié du démantèlement des protections tarifaires des pays tiers Reste que l Union doit relever le défi de la réciprocité Elle ne peut admettre d ouvrir très largement son marché si dans le même temps des pays tiers conservent ou rétablissent de façon manifeste ou subreptice des barrières à l entrée des produits européens Pour quelles raisons est il une énième fois question de réformer la PAC A travers ses réformes successives la PAC a su faire la preuve de sa capacité d adaptation aux exigences résultant des négociations commerciales internationales mais aussi pour prendre en compte de nouveaux enjeux La nouvelle réforme répond à la nécessité de relever plusieurs défis D abord un défi budgétaire en dépit de sa moindre importance la PAC reste le premier poste du budget européen 56 milliards d euros en 2010 l accord du Conseil européen de février 2013 a prévu une baisse sensible de la dotation 48 milliards pour la programmation 2014 2020 Ensuite la sécurité alimentaire demeure un objectif essentiel qui répond à une forte attente des consommateurs La protection de l environnement est un enjeu clé auquel l agriculture peut apporter un soutien appréciable Avec la nouvelle réforme 30 du total des aides directes et des fonds pour le développement durable devront respecter des mesures en faveur du climat et de l environnement La PAC doit aussi répondre à un enjeu social en contribuant à la cohésion territoriale Enfin la PAC doit être plus simple pour être mieux comprise Un régime simplifié sera appliqué pour les petits exploitants La politique de recherche de l UE n est elle pas un échec puisqu elle prévoit pour 2020 des objectifs qui avaient été annoncés en 2000 pour 2010 En dépit d une progression au cours du septième PCRDT 2007 2013 les investissements de l Union européenne demeurent en deçà de ceux de ses principaux concurrents 2 du PIB en 2009 contre 2 9 eaux Etats Unis et 3 36 au Japon Le niveau de recherche de l Union est parmi les meilleurs du monde Mais la recherche européenne n est pas suffisamment mise au service de l économie L espace européen de la recherche est encore trop fragmenté Trop de projets sont financés dans les Etats membres avec un fort risque de double emploi Les financements européens sont faibles et dispersés entre différents projets Les synergies entre la recherche civile et la recherche militaire sont insuffisants L objectif de 3 du PIB affirmé dans

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  • Paris Sorbonne Auteur de Les politiques de l Union européenne Paris La Documentation française coll Réflexe Europe Institutions Politiques 2013 Biographie mise à jour en 2013 Ses articles pour Diploweb com Que fait l Union européenne Alors que s annonce une nouvelle élection pour le Parlement européen il importe de faire le point sur ce que fait l Union européenne avec ses Direction Directeur P Verluise Conseil scientifique Charte du

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  • Carte de l'Europe et ses murs. Géopolitique. A. NONJON - Institutions
    the following questions How far does the European Union still plan to expand What relations does the EU now entertain with the Eastern countries that were so recently perceived as enemies How is the EU organizing its relations with the South L adhésion européenne des Peco cet Occident kidnappé suivant la formule de Vaclav Havel met bas le rideau de fer intègre pleinement ces pays à la dynamique du grand marché abat les murailles du collectivisme tout au plus ces pays doivent ils attendre pour rejoindre l Euroland parfois en différant les échéances comme la Pologne ou la Hongrie qui ont désormais les yeux fixés sur 2013 Ce mur idéologique n a pas résisté aux 3 D de l U E détente démocratie développement Carte de l Europe et ses murs Cliquer sur la vignette pour agrandir la carte Le marché est plus fort que les murs la logique libérale au cœur de l Europe Le grand marché fut à son heure un facteur d abolition de frontières étanches quatre libertés biens services capitaux hommes qui eurent quatre effets rationalisation restructuration échelle innovation et débouchaient sur quatre résultats même hypothétiques prix croissance emploi baisse des déficits bien dérisoires il est vrai au regard de la situation actuelle de l U E Lorsque Jacques Delors parlait du grand marché en disant qu il permettrait de courir plus vite un 100 m plat en lieu et place d un 110 m haies il évoquait à sa manière la levée d obstacles majeurs la fin de murs L Euroland a à son tour aboli les nationalismes régaliens monétaires Il ne s est pas agi d une monnaie commune mais d une monnaie unique se substituant aux devises nationales dans dix sept pays désormais jusqu à ce que la Grèce peut être soit mise en faillite L espace culturel européen a été décloisonné grâce à un brassage transeuropéen des étudiants programme Erasmus Leonardo protocole de Bologne et même si l esperanto demeure une chimère l European dream est même pour des Américains comme Jeremy Rifkin porteur d une communauté de destin de valeurs qui augure le bien vivre ensemble du grand État européen L Europe dresse des murs la nouvelle peur des barbares L Europe d aujourd hui semble ignorer que le béton est une langue barbare le mur un pays irrationnel Mustapha Benfodil Sur son flanc méditerranéen l Europe élève des murs ainsi les murs érigés dans les enclaves espagnoles de Melilla et Ceuta sont un point de fixation de ce que les Européens de l Est appellent le mur de Schengen dispositif visant à contrôler l immigration en Europe dès lors que la pression des harragas ces brûleurs de vie devient trop forte comme pendant les soulèvements et les émeutes de 2005 Le programme de l agence Frontex depuis 2005 n est de fait qu un verrouillage du Rio Grande méditerranéen par une sous traitance de la lutte contre l immigration illégale Le statut avancé obtenu par le Maroc auprès de l

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  • un nouvel acteur international A Nonjon met clairement en évidence les ressorts de la montée en puissance du Qatar et les contradictions qu il doit affronter Illustré d une Al Qaïda une marque déposée Illustré d une carte Le 2 mai 2011 dans les abysses de la mer d Oman le cadavre de Ben Laden enveloppé d un linceul blanc et soigneusement lesté a L Europe et ses murs Une carte Illustré d une carte voici une géopolitique des murs en Europe Construire des murs pour séparer opposer diviser Se protéger se replier se Fukushima Daiichi accident nucléaire et géopolitique de l énergie Géopolitique de l énergie nucléaire avec une carte des accidents de centrales nucléaires Le 11 mars 2011 à 14 h 46 heure locale un séisme de Afrique Sud Soudan un miroir Alain Nonjon présente une réflexion géopolitique illustrée d une carte Le Sud Soudan est le dernier État 54e à avoir accédé à l indépendance sur le Carte Migrations environnementales Alain Nonjon présente une réflexion à la confluence de la géopolitique de l environnement et de la population L article est illustré d une carte De Brésil nouvel acteur global Illustré d une carte cet article d A Nonjon présente la géopolitique du Brésil Indépendant depuis 1822 premier pays lusophone de l Amérique latine L Afrique du sud symbole de l émergence africaine Cet article est illustré d une carte qui interroge les visions européocentrique ou américanocentrique du monde avec l Afrique du Sud au centre de la Carte globalisation foncière nouvel enjeu de la mondialisation Depuis 2006 ce sont près de 30 M ha de terres l équivalent de la SAU Surface Agricole Utile française qui ont fait l objet de transactions dans Carte planète nucléaire Le XXIe siècle sera t il celui d un monde

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  • EEAS What is the European External Action Service ? P. (...) - Institutions
    states to confide off record that We have to accept it and deal with the doubt and the mistrust What we need now is a lofty ambition for the High Representative and for the European External Action Service It is the High Representative who should now have precedence over the Foreign Affairs Ministers and the EU countries ambassadors It s no fun but that s the way it is This is Europe this is what we wanted Now we must accept it and probably hope to be pleasantly surprised When the applicants for the Service have been chosen the chemistry will have to work 21 However as we shall see later Declarations 13 and 14 on the subject of the European External Action Service do shed a different light on the Member States sweet surrender Let us now take a look at the instruments available to the High Representative B The European External Action Service Article 27 of the Treaty on the European Union introduces us to the European External Action Service It is worth noting that no other TEU article directly mentions the Service This can be interpreted as a sign of either very low esteem or a desire to maintain greater flexibility to organize or reorganize via a Council decision Art 27 paragraph 3 In fulfilling his mandate the High Representative shall be assisted by a European External Action Service This service shall work in cooperation with the diplomatic services of the Member States and shall comprise officials from relevant departments of the General Secretariat of the Council and of the Commission as well as staff seconded from national diplomatic services of the Member States The organisation and functioning of the European External Action Service shall be established by a decision of the Council The Council shall act on a proposal from the High Representative after consulting the European Parliament and after obtaining the consent of the Commission 22 23 This third paragraph of Article 27 of the TEU is fleshed out by three declarations that set the framework for the European External Action Service These are declarations 13 14 and 15 24 concerning the provisions of the Treaties annexed to the Final Act of the Intergovernmental Conference that adopted the Treaty of Lisbon signed on December 17 2007 Declaration 13 is explicit The Conference underlines that the provisions in the Treaty on European Union covering the Common Foreign and Security Policy including the creation of the office of High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the establishment of an External Action Service do not affect the responsibilities of the Member States as they currently exist for the formulation and conduct of their foreign policy nor of their national representation in third countries and international organisations The Conference also recalls that the provisions governing the Common Security and Defence Policy do not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of the Member States It stresses that the European Union and its Member States will remain bound by the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and in particular by the primary responsibility of the Security Council and of its Members for the maintenance of international peace and security 25 Declaration 14 adds that In addition to the specific rules and procedures referred to in paragraph 1 of Article 24 26 of the Treaty on European Union the Conference underlines that the provisions covering the Common Foreign and Security Policy including in relation to the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the External Action Service will not affect the existing legal basis responsibilities and powers of each Member State in relation to the formulation and conduct of its foreign policy its national diplomatic service relations with third countries and participation in international organisations including a Member State s membership of the Security Council of the United Nations The Conference also notes that the provisions covering the Common Foreign and Security Policy do not give new powers to the Commission to initiate decisions nor do they increase the role of the European Parliament The Conference also recalls that the provisions governing the Common Security and Defence Policy do not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of the Member States 27 Casting an eye over Declarations 13 and 14 one has the impression that the Member States safeguarded themselves as much as possible against intrusion by the European External Action Service though it was their brainchild on their turf namely their foreign policy and defence prerogatives Indeed Declaration 13 and even more strongly Declaration 14 significantly cramp both the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the European External Action Service The Service s budget for 2011 was 646 million So with the framework in place what has the Service achieved to date II THE CASES FOR AND AGAINST We shall probably have to see off two or three legislatures before we have enough data to truly review the achievements of the European External Action Service The future should therefore be given a chance We shall hear firstly the case for the defense A before handing over to the prosecution B A The case for the defense A year after the European External Action Service came into being the Secretary General Pierre Vimont is upbeat The Service has been up and running for a year now Obviously it will need time to find its marks and get up to speed but over the course of one year we have already fulfilled a number of goals and progressed The goal of the Treaty of Lisbon was first and foremost to instill a little more continuity and coherence with the Member States and enable us to dovetail better We now have a bit more unity In one year we have firstly set up European Union delegations in 138 countries Previously the European Commission delegations focused essentially on commercial issues The EU delegations take care of all aspects of our external action diplomatic political global challenges It really is a network of diplomatic representation We have also successfully recruited civil servants from the Commission the Council and diplomats from Member States Our aim was for the latter to account for around a third One year down the road we are up to around 20 Finally we have made progress in crisis management The EU delegations play their part What we do need to improve are our relations with the Commission because it has expertise in global issues the environment terrorism We need to go further than day to day crisis management to develop a longer term strategic vision How do we see ahead 30 years For our international partners Lady Ashton is a European Minister of Foreign Affairs and the European External Action Service finds itself perceived as a European diplomatic service So we shouldn t get our hands tied by titles even though the Member States are watchful over their prerogatives 28 It is scarcely surprising to hear Pierre Vimont defending the first steps taken by a Service that he helped to launch More startling perhaps is the choice of vocabulary by such an experienced diplomat Catherine Ashton is not a European Minister of Foreign Affairs She is the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Likewise the European External Action Service is no European diplomatic service The terms used by Vimont are those of the draft constitutional treaty blown out of the water by France and the Netherlands in May and June 2005 a rejection that was a windfall for the United Kingdom To British ears the terminology of the rejected draft smacked of federalism London made sure that the offending vocabulary was written out of the Treaty of Lisbon and had it replaced by convoluted titles that are hard to remember Vimont is more aware of this than anyone but seems to have decided to ignore the niceties probably using these word games to pump up the EEAS These semantic shifts occur from time to time in EEAS communications With its second anniversary approaching the Service offers the following review of its action to date on its Web site The Union is supporting stability in the Balkans Assistance projects in seven countries receive EU funding helping build stable societies In Kosovo the EU has deployed a 1900 strong justice and police force to help secure the rule of law Countries in the Western Balkans are already candidates or potential candidates for membership of the EU as part of its enlargement policy 1 The Union is member of the Quartet alongside the United Nations the United States and Russia which is working to push for peace in the Middle East Resolution of the Arab Israeli conflict is a strategic priority for Europe The EU s objective is a two state solution with an independent democratic viable Palestinian state living side by side with Israel and its other neighbours 2 The Union is offering its neighbours a privileged relationship within the European Neighbourhood Policy The policy is designed to strengthen the prosperity security and stability of all partners and to avoid the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and countries of the southern Mediterranean Eastern Europe and the southern Caucasus 3 The Union was instrumental in negotiating the Kyoto Protocol on climate change and boasting a domestic low carbon agenda that is probably the most advanced and sophisticated in the world remains a crucial player on this issue indispensable for pushing an ambitious agenda of change The Union is focusing on building a coalition for a legally binding agreement on climate change 4 The Union works closely with the United Nations on a host of issues The Union s belief in multilateralism reflects an attachment to negotiated binding rules in international relations and is explicitly spelled out in the Treaty of Lisbon Wherever possible the Union seeks to replace or moderate power politics by rules and norms hence making international relations more similar to the domestic order more peaceful and predictable 5 The Union runs military political or civilian missions to help build and secure the peace in a number of countries in Europe Africa and beyond such as in Afghanistan 6 The Union is committed to human rights and works to ensure they are respected universally The EU has made human rights a central aspect of its external relations in the political dialogues it holds with third countries through its development policy and assistance or through its action in multilateral fora such as the United Nations 7 The Union acts as single player in foreign trade and supports the principles of free and fair international trade As it negotiates with one voice it can exercise real influence Together the European Union s 27 members account for 19 of world imports and exports Since its technical norms are widely used throughout the world it often sets the terms of the debate 8 The Union supports the social and economic development of its partners and stands ready to help when they are faced with disaster Together the EU and its Member States are the world s largest donor of development and humanitarian aid Their contributions account for 60 of the world s official development assistance 9 The Union is facing up to the challenges of managing global international economic and financial issues for instance in the context of the G 20 It contributes to the ongoing effort to reform international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF and to re regulating the international financial sector The common currency the euro bestows additional influence upon the euro area and the European Central Bank 29 This presentation certainly shows the EEAS in a most favorable light 30 B Critical analyses Each of the ten points listed in the EEAS official review is worthy of a detailed analysis and we shall look in more depth at point 3 in the chapters devoted to the partnerships with the East and the Union for the Mediterranean We shall also come back to point 9 in the chapter on development aid Here we shall simply note that the establishment of the rule of law remains a major challenge in the Balkans point 1 that the Middle East is not just in deadlock as regards the Israel Palestine situation but is in fact in the midst of a major crisis with Syria pt 2 that climate change negotiations stumble from one failure to the next 4 that multilateralism is still finding it hard to override national interests 5 that the operation in Afghanistan is teetering towards a fiasco 6 that little has been achieved in human rights 7 that the European Union is suffering from a structural deficit in its extra community balance of trade especially with Russia 8 and that in 2011 2012 the EU became a major source of concern for both the G8 and G20 international summits 10 Admittedly responsibilities are shared It would make no sense to lay blame on the SEAE for responsibilities that lie outside its remit The official mantra would nonetheless probably gain from being less upbeat more cogently argued or at least less categorical All the more so as the domino effects of the economic crisis have made the European Union look exceedingly poorly From a would be commercial power the European Union has become a zone of proven monetary turbulence From a would be social model the EU is becoming the place that invented the Indignados in Spain a country blighted by long term mass unemployment and on the edge of explosion From a self proclaimed model of democracy the EU now has two new Member States that knowingly violate the spirit of the European treaties Victor Orban s Hungary since 2010 and Romania in 2012 With hindsight this situation sets question marks against these countries accession to the EU in 2004 and 2007 respectively This is not to mention the right and left wing populist movements generally anti European and even nationalistic that have been going from strength to strength in elections in many Member States including the so promptly righteous France The European crisis is becoming systemic and the EEAS is making no difference It is true that the magnitude of the difficulties exceeds its remit So struggling as it is to find solutions to its own implosion how can the European Union pretend to save the world The impression that Europe is fading away in the international arena is gradually becoming part of our mental landscape Moreover budgetary cuts seem to be hammering the final nails into the credibility of the very idea of European defense Nobody can be sure that there will still be a European defense industry when by 2020 the USA has turned its full attention to the Pacific at the expense of a partial disengagement from Europe By then France s Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier will be outliving its sell by date for want of a successor In other words hard power becomes evanescent as soft power sounds increasingly hollow Was it really judicious to select as High Representative a personality with no diplomatic track record and to fence off the European Service to prevent it from competing with national diplomacies The diplomat Louis Maximin reviewed the situation as follows at the end of 2011 the striking feature of the practical action taken by the High Representative is the lack of political energy It is as though she hasn t grasped that foreign policy even at European level must be driven by the main capital cities especially Paris London and Berlin She does not seem to have made the effort to reconcile these main capitals as her predecessor Javier Solana had done so skillfully or as the new President of the European Council Herman van Rompuy is doing While getting bogged down in micro management on small decisions with no political significance appointments material details she does not demonstrate a firm political sense when the situation calls for it preferring for example to attend the ceremony of investiture of the new Ukrainian president rather than chair a meeting of EU defense ministers even though this is a vital domain on which European power depends Diplomacy means both action and words Even without solving all the conflicts in which Europe is expected to play a role Lady Ashton might have developed a line a doctrine a vision However nothing has emerged from her services on the conceptual plane Foreign policy has not moved on from where Javier Solana left it in around 2003 with the European security strategy a strong intelligent document drafted with the leading capitals vaguely updated in 2008 under the French presidency of the European Union In her defense continues Maximin one can legitimately question the willingness of the leading administrations to allow Lady Ashton to play a role It may be more accurate to see her as indicative of the state in which the European Union finds itself today If as an individual she perhaps lacks stature for the job the latter looks with hindsight to have been hyped How can a single person however talented she may be chair the monthly meetings of the Council of Foreign Affairs Ministers attend European Council meetings sit as vice president at the Commission once a week and fulfill all the diplomatic obligations of a quasi EU Foreign Affairs Minister visits countless ministerial meetings with third countries consult with the European Parliament and the Member States and direct her own service The President of the European Council who might if he wished be a stronger presence in the domain of CFSP would have an easier task unburdened as he is with such an overloaded timetable one European Council per month and around ten international summits per year The relatively glum mood that prevails in Brussels is therefore unsurprising With the internecine

    Original URL path: http://www.diploweb.com/European-External-Action-Service,1081.html (2016-02-08)
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  • L'UE à la carte, à géométrie variable, à plusieurs vitesses (...) - Institutions
    extension du vote à la majorité qualifiée par rapport à la règle de l unanimité telle que pratiquée par le traité de Lisbonne depuis 2009 et la rétrogradation du Conseil européen en l une des quatre institutions ont ajouté à la complexité de la prise de décision et aux rapports de force entre les grands pays les moyens et les petits Quelle politique étrangère 2 Par des divisions incessantes en matière de politique étrangère sur des dossiers clés Yougoslavie et ex Yougoslavie génocide du Rwanda essais nucléaires français droits de l homme guerre d Irak de 2003 antimissiles américains en Europe Union méditerranéenne question palestinienne soulèvements arabes La politique étrangère européenne reste une coquille quasi vide Le fait est aggravé par l obsolescence de la relation transatlantique même si Washington possède des États clients en Europe même si la France a réintégré le commandement militaire de l OTAN 2009 l atlantisme de papa a vécu Henry Kissinger le disait il y a une vingtaine d années à force d être alliés avec tout le monde nous ne serons alliés avec personne Et le projet de traité de libre échange États Unis Europe en sera bientôt une illustration vivante les Européens y vont déjà désunis Entre élargissements et régionalismes 3 Par des trains d élargissements démesurés 16 pays en 18 ans 2 soudains et mal préparés En fait on n a pas laissé le temps aux populations de l ancien Est de se renationaliser pensant que l esprit communautaire allait s étendre élégamment par capillarité jusqu aux confins de l Ukraine Sans parler de l absurdité d avoir intégré Chypre un État qui n est pas souverain sur son territoire un pays candidat la Turquie négocie même depuis 2005 occupe militairement 38 d un pays membre 4 Par la multiplication délétère des revendications régionalistes indépendantistes 3 Les effets politiques de la crise économique 5 C est surtout la crise économique qui a mis à plat les visées politiques différentes de Berlin et de Paris Fonds européen de stabilité financière euro obligations dette grecque fonction de la BCE recapitalisation des banques sanctions automatiques pouvoirs de la zone euro etc les oppositions frontales sont légion Et l Allemagne est dans son rôle elle veut contrôler sanctionner juger pour exercer à l allemande la direction économique de l Europe Elle s attribue même une responsabilité particulière Wolfgang Schäuble Mais l Allemagne n a ni la volonté ni les moyens de diriger politiquement la nouvelle Europe qui se dessine elle a d autre fers aux feux premier exportateur mondial de 2003 à 2009 Et l ancien chancelier Helmut Schmidt l avait remarqué avec courage les Européens se méfient de l Allemagne sans doute encore pour de nombreuses générations Bref la question allemande reste bien la question européenne par excellence d autant plus que les relations franco allemandes ne sont plus le chas de l aiguille Pour des raisons inverses le Royaume Uni est lui aussi logique avec lui même Le premier ministre britannique D Cameron

    Original URL path: http://www.diploweb.com/Feu-l-Union-europeenne.html (2016-02-08)
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